
YouGov, for Sky News, surveyed 1,492 voters on 9–16 June 2026 and gave One Nation 28 percent of the primary vote, Labor 26 percent, the Coalition 21, the Greens 13. Morgan, 8–14 June, 1,583 electors, had One Nation at 29.5 percent. DemosAU, 16–18 June, had Hanson at 28 percent in a preferred-PM contest.
At the May 2025 federal election One Nation took 6.5 percent of the lower house, a familiar minor-party share. The June samples are a different animal. Thirteen months is a short time for a party to go from the cheap seats to level with the government in a national poll. East Asia Forum called the surge a capture of the conservative imagination. The plainer sentence is a market signal.
The platform those voters are buying, as One Nation prints it, is borders you can count and power you can dispatch: repeal legislated net-zero, keep coal and gas, a domestic gas reservation, nuclear on the table. You can dislike the whole of it. You cannot pretend 28 percent is a rounding error.
Start with the numbers, because the numbers are the news and the rest is commentary. YouGov’s mid-June sample had One Nation a point off its late-May reading of 29 percent, Labor steady on 26, the Coalition up one to 21. On respondent preferences Labor led both One Nation and the Coalition 52–48. Morgan, in the field a few days earlier, had One Nation 29.5, Labor 28, the Coalition 17, the Greens 14. After the Press Club speech on 17 June, Morgan’s next week, 15–21 June, 1,575 electors, put One Nation at 31.5 percent, Labor 27, the Coalition 17.5. Roy Morgan wrote that support had risen in six of the seven weeks since the federal budget, from 21.5 percent at the start of May to 31.5. Since the election, the firm said, the primary had gone from 6.4 percent to 31.5 — a five-fold increase, an estimated five million electors.
Then the number moved. It did not return to 2025. Guardian Essential, 1,017 voters in the week after the Press Club, had One Nation down two points to 26 percent, Labor on 30, the Coalition still 23. Newspoll, 22–25 June, 1,235 voters, had Labor 33, One Nation 29, the Coalition 17, the Greens 13. Redbridge and Accent for the Financial Review, 22–26 June, 1,006 voters, had Labor 30, One Nation 29, the Coalition 18. Hanson’s first Newspoll personal rating was −3 net, 46 percent satisfied, 49 dissatisfied. A mid-twenties or high-twenties primary, depending on the house, is still a different party from the one that took 6.5 percent of the lower house in May 2025. East Asia Forum, publishing on 21 June, put the rise at 6.5 to about 28 percent in thirteen months, level with Labor and ahead of the combined Liberal and National vote.
What is the product those samples are buying? One Nation’s energy plank is the adult half. Repeal the net-zero statute. Keep coal and gas in the mix. Treat Australian gas as a strategic asset, including a domestic reservation so east-coast molecules are not only a shipping schedule. Commission nuclear on the east coast. Withdraw from Paris. Hanson took that package to the National Press Club on 17 June. “We will never be able to do without coal and gas,” she said. “Basic environmental standards must be met, but they can’t be allowed to throttle our economy.” She called energy the “central source of national poverty.” She said she was not opposed to rooftop solar. She said the country still needed coal stations, “one in South Australia, one in Queensland,” and a reactor conversation that was no longer a dare.
The physics underneath the plank is not complicated. The National Electricity Market is a long, skinny machine. Wind and solar have done real work at noon. The problem is 6.30pm on a still night, a heatwave, a coal unit that retired on a press release. Origin has already told AEMO that Eraring’s four units, 2.9 gigawatts on Lake Macquarie, will run through 30 April 2029. AEMO has brought forward the date New South Wales breaches its reliability benchmark to 2030-31. Data-centre load is forecast to rise from about 5 terawatt hours to 34 by 2035-36. Business demand is forecast up 60 percent. You can argue about the mix. You cannot argue with a reliability year that sits one year after the largest station in the country is scheduled to close.
The other machine is at the airport. Australia’s post-Covid migration surge was a policy, not a weather event. It showed up in rents, in GP waiting rooms, in the train that no longer has a spare strap. One Nation’s printed number has been 130,000 permanent and temporary visas a year, a longer wait for citizenship and welfare, a harder line on who is refused at the door. East Asia Forum wrote that immigration concerns appeared to matter more than economic grievance alone, and pointed to the December 2025 attack on a Sydney Hanukkah celebration as part of the climate in which the right’s migration argument hardened. This paper does not do invented crimes and it does not do the smear that pretends a border is a personality defect. A border is infrastructure, like a dam. You can run it well or badly. Running it well is a promise to the citizen that the welcome is finite, legal, and chosen.
The journalism has to stay clean on the Coalition-shaped hole as well. The Liberal and National parties spent 2025 and 2026 discovering that a large part of their old vote had gone shopping. YouGov’s 21 percent combined Coalition primary in mid-June, Morgan’s 17, Newspoll’s 17: those are not a mood. They are a vacancy. One Nation has been filling it from the cheap seats for years. In June the cheap seats got expensive. A party that can print 28 percent in a Sky YouGov sample is not a protest leaflet. It is a network.
Saturday 29 August made the network geographic. In Secret Harbour, a coastal seat south of Perth that Labor had treated as furniture, One Nation’s Luke Herdegen took 39.08 percent of the primary and 57.04 percent of the two-candidate count. Labor’s Georgia Tree was on 24.43. The Liberals ran third on 17.29. The ABC called it. Herdegen is the first One Nation member of the Western Australian Legislative Assembly. The seat was notionally Labor on a double-digit margin. A by-election is a weather balloon, not a census. It is also a coastal suburb changing hands. Victoria goes to the polls on 28 November. New South Wales is on 27 March 2027. The federal cycle sits behind both. None of those contests will be Secret Harbour. All of them will be run in a country that has seen a 6.5 percent party print 28 percent and then win a Labor seat on the Indian Ocean.
Hanson is not a new figure. What is new is the space around her. Whether that space becomes a government in 2028 is a later edition. This desk’s beat is the present tense. In the present tense, Australia has rediscovered two conservative facts the professional class treated as optional: that a nation is allowed to count, and that an advanced economy is allowed to burn something on purpose when the wind drops. The glamorous version of the next decade is not a slogan. It is an alumina smelter that still has a night shift, a suburb where a nurse can rent, and a grid that does not need a prayer at 6.30pm.
Call that an import if you need a foreign sticker. Better to call it Australian. Lights on. Gate shut when it ought to be shut. A political market that finally priced those ideas as if they were serious.
They were always serious. The country just started paying retail. 28 percent in a YouGov mid-June sample is the number. The lights-on argument is why the number exists. Secret Harbour is what the number looks like when it finds a booth.

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